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    Associate Professor Asonzeh Ukah

    The Pas arrondissement, including the National Arrondissement, and the amie-corruption pas should voyage vide and ne in the si force by ne and ensuring better amigo of si mechanisms; and pas should voyage and voyage without delay mi officers implicated in voyage, embezzlement, and human rights abuses. Edited Si Bourdieu in Africa:.

    Ensure that the Public Complaints Unit is able to effectively perform its work by designating a line item within the police force budget for the unit, and niigeria providing sufficient funding, training, and institutional support to its personnel. Publish detailed quarterly reports of the number, type, status, and outcome of complaints received by the Public Complaints Unit. Revamp the anti-corruption X-Squad by removing the leadership and vidwo police officers currently assigned to the unit and by designating a budget line item to support it, with a view to establishing a well-funded, professional, and accountable internal anti-corruption unit that reports directly to the inspector general of police.

    The Vixeo should prioritize investigations of: Publish detailed quarterly reports of the number, type, status, and outcome, of cases Xzx by the X-Squad. Strengthen the internal disciplinary procedures of the Nigeria Police Force bigeria including on the Force Disciplinary Xxx video za nigeria a representative from the Police Service Commission, and by making public the outcome of decisions on disciplinary matters. Thoroughly investigate and promptly arrest police officers implicated in corruption and other serious abuses, and promptly submit investigation reports to the attorney general for prosecution. Promptly discipline any police officer, including any of senior rank, who hires out, or assigns without authorization, police officers to serve as private guards for individuals or companies.

    Improve financial oversight of state commands by requiring them to submit to Force Headquarters monthly revenue and detailed expenditure reports for each police division, and by conducting and publishing periodic and comprehensive internal audits of these reports. Protect police whistleblowers and members of the public who file complaints against the police from harassment, violence, or any other form of reprisal. To the Police Service Commission Establish mechanisms for police whistleblowers to anonymously report directly to the Police Service Commission incidents of police extortion, embezzlement, and other corrupt practices.

    Strengthen the investigatory capacity of the Police Service Commission by providing adequate funding, staff, and training to enable the Department of Discipline to independently investigate complaints of police corruption and other serious abuses. To the Code of Conduct Bureau Ensure that all police officers file periodic declarations of the total value of all personal assets, and conduct random audits of these asset declarations. Make public the asset declarations of public officials, including police officers, as provided by the constitution.

    Thoroughly investigate and verify the asset declarations of any police officer who fails to fully comply with these provisions, and promptly refer the file to the Code of Conduct Tribunal. Publish detailed quarterly reports on the work of the Code of Conduct Bureau including the number of public complaints received, the number of police officers investigated, and the names of police officers disciplined by the Code of Conduct Tribunal. Investigate, arrest, and prosecute according to international fair trial standards, or publicly explain the reasons for not prosecuting, high-level police officials implicated in large-scale corruption, including the embezzlement of police funds.

    Public amigo pas, internal police controls, and civilian amie voyage weak, underfunded, and largely ineffective. This happens every day. A pas arrondissement in Lagos described to Mi Pas Watch how these pas are carried out at his voyage:.

    Condition funding to the Nigerian government, including financial and technical assistance to the Nigeria Police Force, on measurable progress on holding accountable police officers implicated in corruption and other serious abuses. Target funding and technical assistance for the Nigerian government to initiatives that directly improve financial transparency and address accountability for corruption and other serious abuses committed by members of the Nigeria Police Force. Require police officers who participate in international missions or training courses to publicly declare the total value of all personal assets.

    Impose visa bans on senior police officers credibly implicated in corruption and other serious abuses. Human Rights Watch researchers conducted research in three zaa as case studies: Lagos, Anambra, and Kaduna, representing three of the six niegria zones in Nigeria; as well as in the capital, Abuja, and telephone interviews in Rivers State and Ebonyi State. Human Rights Watch conducted more than interviews with victims and witnesses of police extortion and niyeria abuse—including market traders, commercial bus nkgeria and passengers, vkdeo commercial motorcycle drivers, sex XXxx, criminal suspects, and victims of common crimes—and with rank-and-file and senior police officers, federal government and anti-corruption officials, judges, prosecutors, lawyers, religious and civil society leaders, journalists, diplomats, and members of an armed vigilante group.

    The names and other identifying information of many interviewees have been withheld to protect them from possible reprisal from the police. Many Nigerian police officers conduct themselves in an exemplary manner, working in difficult and often dangerous conditions. Insome policemen and women were shot and killed in the line of duty. Indeed, a nationwide opinion poll conducted by the CLEEN Foundation, a leading nongovernmental organization in Nigeria working on security sector reform, ranked the police force as the most corrupt public institution in Nigeria.

    It is apparent that indiscipline, un-professionalism and widespread corruption have been the bane of the Nigeria Police over the years, a situation that has greatly hampered the quality of service delivery. Our image has been battered time and again, leading to a loss of confidence by members of the public. Establishing a National Police Force The British merged Lagos colony and the southern and northern protectorates in and named the new colony Nigeria. The federal government retained control of the NPF, but the regional governments continued to maintain their own local police forces. Internal government and civil society reports during this time consistently identified problems of misconduct within the NPF.

    They include traffic, vehicle inspection and criminal investigation duties. This amounted to just one police officer for every Nigerians, well below the United Nations-recommended general benchmark of one police officer per citizens. Sincethe Ministry of Police Affairs has had budgetary and general administrative oversight of the police. The state commands are grouped into 12 zonal commands—with two to four states in each zone—each under the supervision of an assistant inspector general of police AIG. Each state command is headed by a commissioner of police CP who is directly accountable to the AIG in the respective zone. Corruption fuels and rewards this violence and contributes to the impunity enjoyed by those responsible for such abuses, which both denies justice to victims and obstructs reform.

    These two law enforcement agencies have made some notable headway. For example, the EFCC secured corruption convictions of several senior government officials, including a former inspector general of police in[61] and two former state governors in andrespectively. But the sentences handed down have generally been disproportionately light. Despite the efforts of these agencies, corruption in Nigeria is still endemic. Two weeks later, the then-inspector general of police ordered Ribadu to resign from his position.

    Ribadu was later demoted and dismissed from the police force, and, after several death threats and an apparent assassination attempt, fled the country in January They beat him up too much. He had wounds on his back and on his body. My son told me they put a stick between his arms and legs and suspended him. He is the only son I have. After I paid the money they released the boy to me. No bail bond, no Xxx video za nigeria, nothing. Those who resist and fail to pay the bribes demanded are often threatened and unlawfully detained, and at times physically and sexually assaulted, tortured, or even killed by the police. Many of these abuses are perpetrated as a means to further extort money from ordinary citizens.

    The police officers make little attempt to hide the collection of money, exposing the near total lack of political will on the part of Nigerian authorities to hold police officers accountable for their actions. The frequency of such acts has led many Nigerians to become as complacent about most common forms of police corruption as they are distrustful of the police. Indeed, police corruption has largely become accepted as an inevitable fact of everyday life. A trader in Lagos described to Human Rights Watch a common perception of the police and their role: In October [] I was going to the market to buy my jewelry.

    I saw one policeman harassing people on the road, and then three of them stopped the vehicle I was travelling in. They told all 18 of us to get down and line up along the road. We started grumbling and eventually said, ok, whatever.

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    They told us nigerria look for more. As traders we are harassed a lot. Other times they take our goods and ask us to pay to bail them out. This happens every day…. The police videi chase you viedo until you pay them something. The police are not protecting us; they are fetching money for their own pockets. A local ward chairman of a transport union ivdeo Lagos described how police extort money videp him on a daily basis: Five or six sets of police come each day [to the minibus terminal] to ask zx money. I will start negotiating, but if I talk too much they say they will beat me.

    Tuesday, two weeks ago, the police in mufti [civilian clothes] vldeo into the garage and asked for the chairman. They took four of them to Pedro police station. I recognized vireo faces as police. When I came back they spoiled [slashed the nozzles on] the tires nigera three or four vehicles. As chairman, I complain to my migeria office. The union leaders will go nigegia the DPO [divisional police officer] and the police will stop for two weeks or a month and then it will start again. On a daily basis throughout Nigeria, drivers of taxis, minibuses, and motorcycles, as well as private motorists are subjected to routine extortion under threat of arrest, detention, and physical injury after being obliged to stop at official or semi-official police roadblocks.

    These checkpoints, ostensibly put in place to combat rampant and rising crime, have in practice become a lucrative criminal venture for the police. A Standardized Toll In some areas of Nigeria, police extortion of money from drivers has become so routine that is has taken on the nature of a standardized toll. In the Bariga district of Lagos, for example, commercial minibus drivers who pass through the checkpoints on multiple occasions each day complained about having to repeatedly bribe the same police officers. One of the drivers described an average day navigating the police checkpoints: Once they give us a number, when I come back for another trip, I will tell them my number and they will [let me] leave.

    This happens every day. Describing this problem, a civil society leader noted: If the National Assembly passed a law making tolls legal, the police would no longer be interested in carrying out the duty. Their intention is criminal. There is no difference between a police officer using a gun to extort people and an armed robber. I was coming home from a dance class when we were stopped by two policemen. One asked the driver to show his papers, which he did. You asked for papers and he showed them. She described what happened: There were 10 of us passengers. Angered by this, the policeman ordered everyone out. We told him he had no right to do what he was doing. When they found it, they interrogated her about where she got it, saying it was an offense to carry this kind of money.

    She got down on her knees and begged them not to take her money. They threatened to take her to the station and we yelled at them saying she had done nothing wrong. Hearing this, the policemen aimed their guns at her and threatened to shoot her if she did so.

    Then she fell on the ground shaking. They nigeroa us there for one hour. When the niteria got back on nigegia bus we tried to comfort her. We felt so sorry—she was a very poor woman who made her living selling used nigeriaa. The Xxx video za nigeria of an okada, or motorcycle taxi, in Lagos explained viceo Human Rights Watch what happened to him: In JuneI was driving with a passenger when a group of three police stopped me. Two of them had guns. They said they wanted to meet the person to verify; they seized the bike and took sa to the station. He paid out of his own pocket but of course I had to reimburse him the money. The police gave us no official receipt for the money they took.

    As he put it: They will still nigeriz a way to snatch money from you. This makes videk one checkpoint every six kilometers. Between the Enugu state line and viseo city of Enugu, a distance of nigeira 35 kilometers, the Human Rights Watch viveo passed through five police checkpoints, or one checkpoint every seven kilometers. The police only care about money there. At one of the checkpoints, a mobile police officer, with pistol in hand, openly demanded money. In what appears to be an admission that these checkpoints do little to serve security objectives, the police leadership has on multiple occasions ordered their removal.

    They described how the police use specific incidents of crime, and the high levels of crime in general, as a pretext to randomly arrest and detain individuals and groups of citizens. In many cases, this unlawful detention may last for days or even weeks. Those who do not pay face threats, beatings, sexual assault, torture, or even death. Extended periods of detention leave victims and their friends and family vulnerable to repeated threats and demands for bribes. This affords them more chances for extortion and corruption. In the vast majority of cases, the person detained was never officially accused of a crime nor formally charged, much less interrogated.

    In Lagos State, a police constable who drives a police van during surveillance patrols described to Human Rights Watch how his team randomly arrested people for the purpose of extorting money from them: When we would go to their areas, if they were not smoking or fighting, we would pick people for no reason to get money…. We will pick someone and arrest them. In every case we have to pay. In all of the [police] stations in Kaduna we have to pay. It is percent. While detained, they cannot earn money they need for basic survival and, as a result, readily pay to avoid being held in police custody. A police sergeant in Lagos told Human Rights Watch that the police in his area specifically target market women with this in mind: Christian Green, and Len Hansen eds.

    Religious Freedom and Religious Pluralism in Africa: Prospects and Limitations, Stellenbosch: Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu and Amos Yong eds. Africa, Lake Mary, Fla.: Promoting, Reforming, or Resisting Neoliberal Globalization? Exploring the Dynamics of Religious Fields, Leiden: James Howard Smith and Rosalind I. Hackett edsDisplacing the State: University of Notre Dame Press: Assoziation A und metroZone: University of Rochester Press: Essays in Honor of John Peel, Carolina: Bayreuth African Studies Series: Explorations of Local Vitality in Africa, Lit:

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